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Pakistan not invited by Russia for Eastern Economic Forum

Amid reports in Pakistani media that Prime Minister Imran Khan has been invited for the Eastern Economic Forum (EEF) to be held in Vladivostok, Russia from September 4 to 6, Moscow has put out a statement to clarify that he is not on the guest list

A statement issued by the Information and Press Department of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs said, We drew attention to the publications in a number of South Asian media that the Prime Minister of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan Imran Khan was invited to the events of the Eastern Economic Forum (WEF-5) in Vladivostok (September 4-6, this year) as the guest of honour. We would like to give some explanations in this regard…

The statement comes at a time when Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has been invited as the guest of honour’ to EEF 2019.

This year, a representative delegation of India will take part in the Forum’s events led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, said Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of India to the Russian Federation Venkatesh Varma.

Listing out those world leaders who have been invited, the statement released on Monday said, We expect that the President of Mongolia H Battulga, the Prime Minister of India N.Modi, the Prime Minister of Malaysia M. Mohammad and the Prime Minister of Japan S Abe will arrive in the capital of Primorye.

Sources tell India Today TV the same has been conveyed by Moscow to New Delhi. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has been invited

Advisor to the President of the Russian Federation Anton Kobyakov and Indian ambassador to Russia Venkatesh Varma met in Moscow where the two sides discussed preparations for the participation of the Indian delegation.

The meeting noted that Russian-Indian strategic cooperation is a unique example of trust relations between the two powers, read a statement from Moscow.

I am confident that the participation of prime minister is to bring the level of trade and investment cooperation between our countries in the Far Eastern region to a whole new level. India’s extensive and representative participation in the work of the forum will contribute to closer cooperation between our countries, not only in the economic but also in the humanitarian area, said Anton Kobyakov after the meeting with the Indian envoy.

To prepare for the participation in the EEF 2019 and to enhance Russian-Indian cooperation, Narendra Modi commissioned several business missions to the Far East consisting of Indian business and regional representatives. Up to five Indian state governors are to participate in the missions, a statement from the organiser of the forum, said. Roscongress Foundation,

Further, the parties discussed the preparation of the 20th annual RussiaIndia summit.

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Why does the Pak army fear the PTM and BLA?

Pak, post 1971, only concentrated development in Punjab and Sindh, ignoring its western provinces. They were secure in their belief that these areas which were under-developed, lacked education and inhabited by population which it could subdue would never rise against the state. This region houses two major communities, Pashtuns and Balochis.
The troubles for the Pashtuns, who have resided in Waziristan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) began post the US invasion of Afghanistan. The Pak army, which took over the responsibility of supporting the Taliban fleeing from Afghanistan, moved them into the region, placing locals at the mercy of the Taliban.
Mohsin Dawar, who represents North Waziristan in the Senate and is presently under arrest, states in an article in the Washington Post of 16 Apr this year, ‘Miran Shah, in Western North Waziristan’s tribal district, once served as the global headquarters of terrorism. Al-Qaeda, the Haqqani network and other militant organizations moved there after being routed out by the US. We paid a high price for Islamabad’s misguided policies. We endured a decade of rule by the Taliban and al-Qaeda. After the military finally moved into North Waziristan in 2014, about 1million of North Waziristan’s residents were displaced, and our homes and livelihoods ruined.’
He added that after three years of displacement and attempting to rebuild their lives, the Taliban are now being permitted to return. This is contrary to what the world believes of Pakistan working with the US and Afghanistan to restore peace in the country. With their return, targeted assassinations are again rising. The Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM), created under two years ago, is determined to expose this and prevent its people from living under the tyranny of the Taliban.

Mohsin’s strongest comments are against the Pak army when he states, ‘Its policy of supporting militants and conducting proxy wars over the past four decades has resulted in death, destruction and economic disaster for Pakistan.’ This fact is well known, and Pak’s present economic mess is because of its skewed budget where the Pak army’s share is almost 10 times that of the nation’s education budget.

Since 2003, militant attacks and military operations have killed tens of thousands of Pashtuns and displaced many more. Nearly 2,000 Pashtun tribal leaders have been eliminated for resisting the Taliban takeover of FATA. The PTM’s peaceful campaign is only seeking the right to live. Their demands on ending extrajudicial killing, end to enforced disappearances, harassment and removal of mines is only to save the future of their populace.

The highhanded approach of the army has enhanced anger and increased frustration amongst the population. In a photograph, TTP (Pakistan Taliban) members were seen in Pashtun caps indicating solidarity with the PTM. This implies that with passage of time, members of the peaceful PTM movement, angry with the atrocities committed by the Pak army,may voluntarily join the TTP.If that happens, it would be disaster for Pak.
Irfan Husain writes in the editorial of the Dawn of 15 Jun, ‘it seems odd that the ruling combine has seen fit to open additional fronts in KP as well. One would have thought the government had its hands full of ongoing crises without poking a stick into more hornets’ nests.’
The reason why the Pak army fears this peaceful movement is because it is spearheaded by youth who have been born amongst violence and seen deaths of family members. They have witnessed their homes being demolished and elders killed. To subdue a protest of an entire region which has only witnessed suffering by force is almost impossible, which the Pak army has begun learning the hard way. The movement needs no international support or funding, as it is a struggle for survival.
The Baluch conflict rose in 2005. Baluchistan is the least populated region of Pakistan. The reason for the conflict was simmering tensions on the price of natural gas being produced from the region, construction of additional military cantonments and development of Gwadar port. The uprising was triggered by the rape of a female doctor, Shazia Khalid, by an army personnel who was never arrested and the army attempted a cover-up.The conflict continues till date and the region is slowly descending into a state of anarchy.
Baluchistan had declared independence post 15 Aug 1947, which the Pak government rejected and annexed the region nine months later. In 1948, 58 and 62, there were a series of conflicts between Baluch nationalists and the Pak state. The movement has recently gathered steam and presently there are multiple groups seeking independence, including the Baluch Liberation Army (BLA), Baluch National Army (BNA) and the Baluch Student Organization.
The leaders of the movement are educated youth who are aware of their actions and seek justice. Attacks on the Pak army have been on the rise in the region. The BLA was able to attack the Chinese consulate in Karachi last year and the Pearl Continent Hotel in Gwadar recently.
PM Modi in his Independence Day speech in 2016 referred to Baluchistan for the first time. Ajit Kumar, India’s ambassador and permanent representative to the United Nations (UN), said on 14 Sept the same year, ‘This is a country (Pakistan), which has systematically abused and violated the human rights of its own citizens, including in Baluchistan.’ This indicated that India would in the future provide a voice for the atrocities committed on the Baluch people.
Pak has continuously blamed India for interfering in the Baluch insurgency. The reality is vastly different. The Baluchistan issue may not really need an Indian role to simmer. Pakistan has done enough to earn the wrath of generations of Balochis. The BLA and BNA are against the CPEC, which is exploiting their region. Their attacks have threatened the CPEC, forcing the Pak army to deploy thousands of troops for its security, which is proving insufficient. Irfan Husain states in his editorial, ‘A peaceful resolution to the conflict is more pressing as much of the CPEC initiative is focused on Baluchistan.’
Both the PTM, BLA and BNA are now a force to reckon with. While the PTM is presently peaceful, has a mass following and could become a part of the TTP later, the othersare militant and challenge the might of the Pak army. All these movements are being termed anti-national by the Pak deep state and strong military force is being employed to subdue them, but to no avail.
With a military government controlling a puppet regime in the country, there is no possibility of seeking a political solution by dialogue. Nothing could be worse than this for the country. The appointment of General Faiz Hameed as the new DG ISI is with the intention of curbing these movements, before they threaten the existence of Pak.
The hard approach by the Pak army has alienated the population. With members of both communities spread across the globe the world is being made aware of the atrocities of the region and it is only a matter of time before the UN Human Rights commission and other agencies begin demanding their rights to visit the region and question Pak for its mishandling and extrajudicial killings.It is the international projection of these movements alongside their rising popularity that has the Pak army sweating.
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Pakistan’s economy: some dos and don’ts

Pakistan’s current fiscal and taxation policies are characterized by increasing tariffs, expanding the proportion of taxes, raising all kinds of living, production and material rates, resulting in a sharp rise in the production costs of enterprises and an increase in the burden of business operation. At the same time, the exchange rate of the Pakistani rupee against the US dollar has depreciated sharply recently. The consumption cost of the people has risen sharply in a short period of time. As a result, the market demand becomes weaker, and the inflation rate is higher. At the time of rising production costs, enterprises have encountered the double challenge of shrinking market demand, adding to their difficulties and worrying conditions. Some enterprises have stopped production or sought to withdraw from the Pakistani market to seek overseas development, thus increasing the unemployment rate in Pakistan.

Due to poor economic performance and deviation of fiscal and taxation policy, Pakistan has encountered some serious problems, such as stagflation, sharp devaluation of currency, and high inflation rate. The direct result of stagflation is a sharp decline in people’s income and a sharp increase in unemployment, as well as major problems in social stability. It seems that Pakistan is entering a vicious circle of economic decline in investment, production, circulation, and consumption, which in turn leads to both financial and economic crises.

At present, the response of the Pakistani government is limited to short-term solutions, lacking long-term strategic vision. The effect of the ‘treatment’ is not as desired. I would like to make a few observations:

It is necessary for Pakistan to make good use of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), so as to rapidly develop the Pakistani economy, benefit the Pakistani people, and improve the livelihood of the people. The smooth development of CPEC projects over the past six years has greatly changed the quality of life of the Pakistani people and led to the rapid development of the national economy. Therefore, CPEC in Pakistan is a project supported by the whole people, and it has become an important factor that can change the fate of Pakistan. As CPEC has reached a critical period, we shall make positive preparations for the healthy and rapid development of CPEC in a constructive direction.

Due to poor economic performance and deviation of fiscal and taxation policy, Pakistan has encountered some serious problems, such as stagflation, sharp devaluation of currency, and high inflation rate. The direct result of stagflation is a sharp decline in people’s income and a sharp increase in unemployment, as well as major problems in social stability

Pakistan shall always put national interests and national development in the first place. All government departments should have a sense of mission for the sake of national interests, cooperate with each other and coordinate efficiently, and should not attack each other and pass the buck for the sake of their own interests.

Development needs to be carefully arranged and carried out in an orderly manner. At present, it is necessary to seriously study which industries are in line with Pakistan’s national conditions and market needs. The situation in provinces and localities is different. We should study, identify and consider which industries are in urgent need of the local market, which industries are conducive to the development of local resources and other factors, and rationally balance regional interests. We shall take a comprehensive approach, and formulate a targeted medium and long-term (5-10 years) development plan.

We shall formulate an industrial plan in line with the development of Pakistan’s national conditions. We also need to seriously consider, carefully manage and cultivate the layout of the whole industrial chain. Only in this way can we really cultivate the manufacturing sector in Pakistan. It is necessary to consider the training of talents in relevant industries, from technical skills to management, organization and arrangement, and to study what talents will be needed in these industrial chains in the future. Talents must be trained in a targeted, fixed and quantitative manner. In the early stages of talent training, Pakistan can consider seeking help from China and Germany. In the later stage, we can consider the joint training by government, schools and enterprises, so that talents can quickly enter the working force, get the stage to display their talents and create more than expected value.

The continuation of good policies is the cornerstone of national development. Let investors have no worries, rest assured that bold and active investment shall be made. Investment will bring advanced technology and good management experience, international markets. It will also provide a large number of jobs, promote business development, reduce dependence on imports, increase export opportunities, and increase national taxes, so as to bring the country into a virtuous circle. We shall study how the surrounding countries that have done a good job of attracting investment. We shall study and compare the comprehensive factors of various aspects, so as to formulate a more attractive investment policy, more in line with the long-term development of the country to attract investment. And we shall introduce relevant policies and continue to push them forward.

Fiscal and tax policies that meet Pakistan’s long-term interests should be formulated. I believe that the current top priority is to encourage economic development, not vice versa. The interest rate of bank deposits shall be lowered with appropriate macro-control policies, so as to encourage some bank deposits to actively participate in market circulation and increase the proportion of investment. In this way, more jobs could be created, enterprises could get the capital to develop the industrial chain, and a virtuous circle of economic and financial development could be created. In terms of taxation, expanding the tax base and reducing the tax rate are the need of the hour. We shall inculcate individuals and enterprises the idea that paying tax is glorious, implement the step-by-step tax policy, and expand the tax base both by law and reasoning.

In addition, in the current dismal business environment, the production enterprises should be given appropriate tax reduction support, so as to help the products to enter the circulation as soon as possible, promote the market recovery, increase consumption, and increase the employment rate. If the Pakistan government can attract more overseas investment, it can get more tax revenue from the increase of the scale of production, operation and transportation of enterprises. Specific measures include reducing tariffs on raw materials and spare parts to help enterprises reduce production costs, simplifying the process of administrative examination and approval of enterprises, delegating responsibilities to relevant ministries, establishing one-stop services, and so on

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Why Can’t Pakistan Afford to Ban Indian Movies?

The terrible costs of the conflict between India and Pakistan — regional instability, militarization and economic disruption — make global headlines.

But there is a largely ignored victim of the crisis: the movie business in Pakistan. There is a long history of politics hurting Pakistani cinema but a major recent blow came in Sept. 2016, when militants attacked an Indian army base in the disputed region of Kashmir, killing 19 soldiers. India blamed Jaish-e-Muhammad, a militant group based in Pakistan, for the attack. Tensions between the two countries rose.

As nationalist emotions soared, an association of Indian movie producers banned Pakistani artists from working on Indian films. In Pakistan, theater owners decided not to screen Indian movies. Within three months, seat occupancy in theaters fell to 11 percent. The immensely popular world of cinema became a space for competing, aggressive nationalism, although trade between India and Pakistan continued.

Cinema has kept alive a cultural affinity in South Asia: Generations of Pakistanis have grown up watching Indian films, which are hugely popular and draw large crowds. The stars of Indian cinema — from Dilip Kumar in the 1950s to Shah Rukh Khan, the current Bollywood superstar — are widely loved.

Despite numerous efforts to introduce movies from other cultures, including dubbed versions of Turkish films, Bollywood remains the primary choice for moviegoers in Pakistan. The loss of Indian movies stung so hard because Pakistan was not yet able to produce and distribute enough movies to fill theaters every week. Though the number of screens in Pakistan increased from 30 in 2013 to almost 100 in 2017, producers and investors were being cautious. And most filmmakers realized that reaching larger audiences wasn’t possible.

A few months later, Pakistani theater owners ended their self-imposed ban and Indian films returned to Pakistani screens in 2017. But investors started questioning whether the movie business was feasible if it suffered after every crisis between the two countries.

The first ban on the exhibition of Indian films was imposed by military ruler President Mohammad Khan Ayub after the second India-Pakistan war in 1965. The woes of the local cinema industry were further exacerbated during the era of Mohammad Zia-ul-Haq’s presidency, when higher taxation and strict censorship policies made it impossible for cinema to grow.

Pakistani cinema began to emerge from its long coma in 2006 when Gen. Pervez Musharraf removed the ban on showing Indian movies that had been in place since 1965. Within a few years new multiplexes sprung up in all major cities to meet the high demand for films.

By 2011 Pakistan had around 35 multiplex screens; more than a hundred more were being built. Sadly this new infrastructure was restricted to multiplexes as distributors focused almost entirely on attracting the middle classes who could afford higher ticket prices. Single-screen cinemas, along with their less-privileged audiences, were completely ignored and excluded.

The availability of screen space in turn encouraged local filmmakers to venture out and produce films. A turning point came with the success of Shoaib Mansoor’s Bol, the story of a religious family with a transgender daughter, which was produced in 2011 with a local cast and crew. It inspired more Pakistani filmmakers to jump into the fray.

Two years later, Pakistan had produced 20 films and many more were being planned. International festivals started showing interest by curating special segments on Pakistani films. The filmmaking fraternity was upbeat that Pakistan would soon be able to tell its own story through movies.

The removal of the ban on Indian films in Pakistan also led to talent sharing and creative cooperation between the two countries. Pakistani actors became stars in India; almost every major Indian movie commissioned Pakistani musicians to sing for them (songs are a key element of films in South Asia).

And then fate delivered another lethal blow: India and Pakistan almost went to war in February after a suicide attack on Indian forces in Kashmir. An official ban was imposed on exhibiting Indians films in Pakistan. Three and a half months later, theaters in Pakistan are almost empty again and their owners are now considering laying off employees.

The current political situation does not offer any hope of a revival of cultural ties between India and Pakistan any time soon. Despite efforts by the previous governments of both Pakistan Peoples Party and Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz, the state has yet to formulate a uniform film policy or revive a film development department that once supported the growth of local cinema.

The arrival of online streaming platforms such as Netflix and Amazon is helping film industries in various other countries grow and attempt new storytelling formats — but they have hesitated from exploring Pakistan and commissioning projects from Pakistani filmmakers.

With no other avenues in sight, unless the government finally manages to formulate a robust policy to encourage local cinema and Pakistani filmmakers are able to produce a consistent stream of compelling content that can compete with Bollywood and Hollywood, there is little hope that local cinema can keep breathing.

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India seizes narcotics worth $390M smuggled from Pakistan

India — Customs officials in northern India have seized narcotics worth $390 million that were smuggled from neighbouring Pakistan, in the country’s largest seizure of illegal drugs, officials said Monday.

Top customs official Dipak Kumar Gupta said 586 kilograms (1,290 pounds) of narcotics, mostly heroin, were hidden in 15 bags among 600 sacks of rock salt imported from Pakistan and were seized Saturday in Punjab state. He said two men including the importer of the salt have been detained and are being questioned.

Gupta said officials became suspicious when they found one bag containing a white granular substance. After sifting through the hundreds of sacks, they found 534 kilograms (1,175 pounds) of heroin and 52 kilograms (115 pounds) of mixed narcotics, he said.

Another customs official, Bopal Singh, said it was the biggest seizure of narcotics in India by any government agency.

Officials called it a major success in their fight against drugs in the state, where addiction rates are high. Punjab is a major transit point for drugs and has become a major consumer base as well. Smuggling of drugs and goods is common along Punjab’s 553-kilometre (345-mile) border with Pakistan.

In the past, dozens of police and paramilitary officials guarding border areas have been arrested on suspicion of helping smugglers.

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Pakistani man kills five female relatives and four children ‘because he thought wife was having an affair’

A Pakistani expatriate working in Saudi Arabia, killed nine members of his family including wife, two  children, mother-in-law and two-sisters in law.

The tragic incident happened in Multan on Sunday when the suspect identified as Ajmal gunned down five people and then set his in-laws’ house on fire killing four more people, a senior police officer told Gulf News from Multan.

The suspect had arrived in Multan a few days ago from Saudi Arabia where he works as a tailor. Police said that Ajmal had suspected that his wife Kiran was cheating on him while he was away in Saudi Arabia. He along with his father and a brother went to his in-laws house where he opened fire after heated argument.

According to prelminary investigation, Ajmal gunned down five  members of the family on the spot including his wife, mother-in-law and two sisters-in-law. His brother-in-law and father-in-law also got bullet injuries. After opening fire, he, his father and borther allegedly locked other people in the room and set the house on fire. As a result, his two children and two other women were burnt alive. While eight people died on the spot, one with bullet wounds succumbed to injuries at Nishtar Hospital in Multan.

 A senior official told Gulf News that the suspect first opened fire on his wife. His mother-in-law and sisters-in-law came forward to save Kiran but he continued to shoot in rage and killed them all.

He and his father also reportedly opened fire at the people who had gathered outside the house injuring a woman and a child.

Multan City Police Office (CPO) Imran Mehmood told media that the suspect Ajmal and his father had been arrested while his brother was at large.

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Why Pakistan’s economy is sinking

The Pakistani government unveiled its first annual budget for the fiscal year 2019-2020 on June 11 and was only able to pass it on June 28. The considerable delay was due to strong resistance from the opposition in parliament which threatened with protests over perceived economic mismanagement by the government.

 The economic situation in Pakistan today is indeed worrying. This year’s Pakistan Economic Survey, a government-issued report that precedes the annual budget presentation, has painted a dismal picture of the domestic economy.

Almost all financial indicators have seen a downward trend. The growth rate fell by almost 50 percent from 6.2 percent to 3.3 percent. It is expected to go down even further to 2.4 percent next year, which will be the country’s lowest in the past 10 years. The Pakistani rupee has lost a fifth of its value against the dollar since the beginning of this fiscal year. Inflation is expected to hover around 13 percent over the next 12 months, reaching a 10-year-high as well.

Then there is the issue of the ever-increasing debt, which eats up some 30 percent of the budget every year. Pakistan continues to take out loans to be able to cover repayments of past borrowing. It recently signed yet another deal with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for a bailout package worth $6bn.

In a televised address after his budget presentation, Prime Minister Imran Khan announced the creation of a special commission to investigate why the country has so much debt.

But Khan does not need to look any further than the budget unveiled by his own government to see where the problem lies: The country has low sources of revenues and high non-development expenditures, which is a recipe for a financial disaster.

For decades, the Pakistani authorities have been unable to establish effective tax collection practices. Currently, only one percent of Pakistanis pay their taxes and the country has one of the lowest tax-to-GDP ratios in the world.

Successive governments have avoided imposing stricter controls because they have been staffed by members of the same elites that are actively evading taxes. They are able to do so not only because of government inaction but also because of widespread corruption. In fact, it is cheaper for them to bribe than to pay their dues.

Thus, the tax burden in Pakistan falls overwhelmingly on the poor who pay in various indirect ways and who already struggle to make ends meet. Currently, a third of the nation is living below the poverty line.

Khan promised to crack down on tax evasion and corruption before coming to power but little has been done so far. He has not introduced any measures to address corruption in the ranks of his own party, for example. Recently it emergedthat a minister in Khan’s cabinet had evaded paying taxes for years by transferring his luxury properties to one of his employees, but no action has been taken against him so far.

Given this selective justice, it is hardly surprising that a recent tax amnesty scheme implemented by the government in which tax debt is forgiven in exchange for a fee failed to kick off.

While Khan’s government is failing to raise revenue flows it is also failing to cut non-developmental expenditures.

The biggest source of such spending after debt-servicing is the military which officially receives around 18 and 23 percent of the budget every year.

The funds the military receives from the state budget is in addition to the revenue it gets from its large business operations, which include over 50 commercial entities generating some $1.5bn annually. It just recently moved into the miningand oil and gas exploration sector, some of which was facilitated by Khan’s government.

So despite being rich itself, the army continues to be a burden on the Pakistani economy and to get preferential treatment. At this point, there are no signs that this would change under the current government.

Earlier this month, Khan announced the formation of a new committee called the National Development Council to oversee Pakistan’s economic growth strategy. Apart from a number of ministers with relevant portfolios and key government officials, the army chief is also a member of the council, which indicates that the military will continue to be part of any decision-making on the economy in the future.

A few days before the annual budget was submitted to parliament, Khan also announcedthat the military was going to take a voluntary budget cut, attributing it specifically to the economic turmoil. However, when the details of the budget were made public, it turned out that the allocation to the army saw an increase of 17.6 percent from last year. As a result, some have speculated that the earlier announcement was just a PR exercise, aimed to fool Pakistan’s international creditors, like the IMF, who have urged the government to cut down its non-development expenditures.

Despite this persistent pressure from outside entities, defence spending continues to be prioritised. The official justification for this policy is always the perceived threat from neighbouring countries, which in some ways the military itself perpetuates.

Both Afghanistan and India are regularly identified as sources of threat to the national security in local mainstream media, yet the fact that militant groups targeting these two countries are allowed to organise on Pakistani territory is often overlooked.

Their presence maintains low-intensity conflicts with neighbouring countries, which conveniently justifies increased military spending to protect Pakistan from “foreign enemies”.

Thus Pakistan appears to be stuck in a vicious cycle of accommodating the interests of the army and the powerful economic elites which cripple its economy and force it to continue borrowing from international creditors, sinking further into debt and inching closer to full economic collapse.

At this point, those in power and those who enjoy economic privileges must realise that this status quo is unsustainable. The only way out is to implement a just tax system along with a cut or at least a freeze on the ever-increasing military budget.

If Pakistan is to avoid the looming economic disaster, it must revise current spending and prioritise expenditures that will actually generate social and economic development and uplift the poor, not just the civilian and military elites.

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Afghanistan’s Captain Defends Costly Decision To Bowl Himself

Afghanistan’s captain Gulbadin Naib defended his disastrous decision to bring himself on to bowl towards the end of a gripping match against Pakistan on Saturday, a move that cost 18 runs in a single over.

“We had the feeling they weren’t targeting every bowler,” Naib said, adding that “Every team has their plans and I thought the crucial point is for the 46th over that I bowled and 18 runs, it’s not really good.”

“If Hamid was there maybe I didn’t bowl more than three or four overs because I do not have enough speed for this kind of surface,” he added.

But Naib gave credit to Pakistan.

“I think the pressure was on the Pakistan side. But credit goes to them, how they played and how they finished the game,” he said.

Afghanistan, who have lost all eight of their World Cup matches and will play West Indies in their final match at Headingley on July 4.

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